擴展閱讀：這位女士不會回頭

　　The ladys not for turning

　　這位女士不會回頭

　　瑪格麗特.撒切爾於1980年10月10日在布萊頓保守黨黨代會上的講話

　　Mr Chairman, ladies and gentlemen：

　　主席先生，女士們先生們：

　　At our party conference last year I said that the task in which the government were engaged - to change the national attitude of mind - was the most challenging to face any British administration since the war. Challenge is exhilarating. This week we Conservatives have been taking stock, discussing the achievements, the setbacks and the work that lies ahead as we enter our second parliamentary year. As you said, Mr Chairman, our debates have been stimulating and our debates have been constructive. This week has demonstrated that we are a party united in purpose, strategy and resolve. And we actually like one another.

　　在去年的黨代會上我曾經提到過，政府目前亟需應對自從二戰以來任何英國政府所面對過的最具挑戰性的任務——改變國家的心態。這份挑戰令人振奮。這個星期，我們保守黨已承擔起了責任，在第二個議會年度即將到來時，我們討論了已經取得的成就，遭遇的挫折和擺在面前的工作。主席先生，正如你所說，我們的辯論激發了人們的思想，我們的辯論也很具有建設性。這一周，我們將會證明我們的黨團結在一項宗旨，一條戰略以及一個決心之下。而且我們彼此頗有好感。

　　When I am asked for a detailed forecast of what will happen in the coming months or years, I remember Sam Goldwyns advice: "Never prophesy, especially about the future." (Interruption from the floor) Never mind, it is wet outside. I expect that they wanted to come in. You cannot blame them; it is always better where the Tories are. And you, and perhaps they, will be looking to me this afternoon for an indication of how the government see the task before us and why we are tackling it the way we are. Before I begin, let me get one thing out of the way.

　　曾經有人讓我詳細地預測，在未來數月或數年會發生什麼。我還記得山姆.高德溫的建議：「不要說預言，尤其是關於未來的預言。」（會場上有人喧嘩）不要緊，外面在下雨呢，他們肯定想進來。這也無可厚非，托利黨的所在地總是更好。你們，或許還有他們，都希望我今天下午的演講能指明這屆政府如何看待我們面前的任務以及我們為什麼要以這樣的方式來完成這些任務。在我開始之前，有一件事我要先說清楚。

　　This week at Brighton we have heard a good deal about last week at Blackpool. I will have a little more to say about that strange assembly later, but for the moment I want to say just this. Because of what happened at that conference, there has been, behind all our deliberations this week, a heightened awareness that now, more than ever, our Conservative government must succeed. We just must, because now there is even more at stake than some had realised.

　　這個星期在布萊頓，我們聽到了很多關於上周在黑潭市發生的情況。待一會兒我對於那場奇怪的集會還要多說幾句，但就目前而言，我只想說一點。在那次會議上發生的事情使我們在本周的精心操持之後充分認識到，如今已然時不我待了，我們的保守黨政府必須成功。我們必須成功，因為現在的利害關係甚至比有些人已經意識到的情況還要深重。

　　There are many things to be done to set this nation on the road to recovery, and I do not mean economic recovery alone, but a new independence of spirit and zest for achievement.

　　在這個國家的復甦之路上，我們有很多事情要做，我不僅指得是經濟復甦，還有新的精神獨立和成就大事的熱情。

　　It is sometimes said that because of our past, we, as a people, expect too much and set our sights too high. That is not the way I see it. Rather it seems to me that throughout my life in politics our ambitions have steadily shrunk. Our response to disappointment has not been to lengthen our stride but to shorten the distance to be covered. But with confidence in ourselves and in our future, what a nation we could be!

　　人們有時說，因為我們的過去，我們作為一個民族懷抱了太大的期望，並把目光投向了太高的地方。我絕對不這麼認為。相反，就我看來，在我的整個政治生涯當中，我們的抱負一直在逐步萎縮。我們對於失望的回應不是邁開步伐而是縮短路程。但如果對我們自己以及我們的未來抱有希望，我們將會成為怎樣的一個國家啊！

　　In its first 17 months, this government have laid the foundations for recovery. We have undertaken a heavy load of legislation, a load we do not intend to repeat because we do not share the socialist fantasy that achievement is measured by the number of laws you pass. But there was a formidable barricade of obstacles that we had to sweep aside. For a start, in his first budget Geoffrey Howe began to rest incentives to stimulate the abilities and inventive genius of our people. Prosperity comes not from grand conferences of economists but by countless acts of personal self-confidence and self-reliance.

　　在本屆政府的最初17個月，政府為經濟恢復奠定了基礎。我們已經進行了大量立法，我們不打算在這裡逐一複述，因為我們不同意社會主義者的幻想，認為政治成就可以由通過法律的數量來衡量。但是我們必須撥開一個強大的路障。首先，傑弗里.豪爾在他的首份財政預算案當中開始動用動用各種刺激因素來激發英國人民的能力和創造性天才。繁榮並非來自於經濟學家的盛大會議，而是來自無數個人的自信和自力更生。

　　Under Geoffreys stewardship, Britain has repaid $3,600m of international debt, debt which had been run up by our predecessors. And we paid quite a lot of it before it was due. In the past 12 months Geoffrey has abolished exchange controls over which British governments have dithered for decades. Our great enterprises are now free to seek opportunities overseas ... We have made the first crucial changes in trade union law to remove the worst abuses of the closed shop, to restrict picketing to the place of work of the parties in dispute, and to encourage secret ballots.

　　在傑弗里的管理之下，英國已償還了36億美元國際債務。這些債務都是之前幾屆政府欠下的，我們在到期之前已經償付了很多。在過去的12個月，傑弗里已取消了英國政府幾十年來猶豫不決不敢拋棄的外匯管制。現在，我們的大型企業可以自由尋求海外商機了...我們已經完成了工會法的第一個關鍵變化，以消除閉店行為的最嚴重濫用，限制糾察隊前往各方仍有爭議的工作地點，並鼓勵無記名投票。

　　Jim Prior has carried all these measures through with the support of the vast majority of trade union members ... British Aerospace will soon be open to private investment. The monopoly of the Post Office and British Telecommunications is being diminished. The barriers to private generation of electricity for sale have been lifted. For the first time nationalised industries and public utilities can be investigated by the monopolies commission - a long overdue reform ...

　　吉姆.普萊爾在此之前已經通過絕大多數工會成員的支持推行了所有這些措施，...英國航空航天公司將很快向私人投資開放。郵政署和英國電信的壟斷正在被削弱。私人商業發電的障礙已被解除。壟斷委員會將首次得以對於國有行業和民生行業進行調查——一項期待已久的改革...

　　Michael Heseltine has given to millions - yes, millions - of council tenants the right to buy their own homes. It was Anthony Eden who chose for us the goal of "a property-owning democracy". But for all the time that I have been in public affairs, that has been beyond the reach of so many, who were denied the right to the most basic ownership of all - the homes in which they live. They wanted to buy. Many could afford to buy. But they happened to live under the jurisdiction of a socialist council, which would not sell and did not believe in the independence that comes with ownership. Now Michael Heseltine has given them the chance to turn a dream into reality. And all this and a lot more in 17 months.

　　邁克爾.赫塞爾廷向數以百萬計 - 是的，數以百萬計 – 的廉租房租戶賦予了購買自己住房的權利。當年正是安東尼.艾登為我們選擇了 「房產所有權民主」的目標。但是自從我投身於公共事務以來，這個目標對於那麼多人來說都可望而不可及，他們被剝奪了最基本的所有權——對於自家住宅的所有權。他們想要購買自己的住房。許多人也都能買得起。但他們碰巧生活在社會主義委員會的管轄範圍，這幫人堅決不出售廉租房，也相信房產所有權帶來的獨立性。現在，邁克爾.赫塞爾廷給了他們把夢想變為現實的機會。在過去17個月里，類似的事情還有很多。

　　The left continues to refer with relish to the death of capitalism. Well, if this is the death of capitalism, I must say that it is quite a way to go.

　　左派們繼續津津有味地談論著資本主義的死亡。好吧，如果這就是資本主義的死亡，我必須說資本主義死得相當風光。

　　But all this will avail us little unless we achieve our prime economic objective - the defeat of inflation. Inflation destroys nations and societies as surely as invading armies do. Inflation is the parent of unemployment. It is the unseen robber of those who have saved. No policy which puts at risk the defeat of inflation - however great its short-term attraction - can be right. Our policy for the defeat of inflation is, in fact, traditional. It existed long before Sterling M3 embellished the Bank of England Quarterly Bulletin, or "monetarism" became a convenient term of political invective.

　　但是，除非我們實現我們的首要經濟目標——打敗通貨膨脹——否則這一切對我們來說都毫無益處。通貨膨脹就像侵略軍一樣足以毀滅國家與社會。通貨膨脹是失業之母，是劫掠儲戶的隱身強盜。任何政策如果不考慮通貨膨脹風險——無論短期而言有著怎樣的吸引力——都必然是錯誤的。事實上，我們擊敗通貨膨脹的政策很傳統。早在英鎊M3點綴銀行英格蘭季報之前，或者在「貨幣主義」成為方便的政治抨擊術語之前，這項政策就存在了。

　　But some people talk as if control of the money supply was a revolutionary policy. Yet it was an essential condition for the recovery of much of continental Europe. Those countries knew what was required for economic stability. Previously, they had lived through rampant inflation; they knew that it led to suitcase money, massive unemployment and the breakdown of society itself. They determined never to go that way again.

　　但在有些人嘴裡，控制貨幣供應量彷彿是一項革命性的政策。然而，這是大多數歐陸國家經濟復甦的必要條件。這些國家知道經濟穩定需要哪些條件。在此之前，他們已經經歷了嚴重的通貨膨脹，他們知道通貨膨脹將會導致巨額貨幣，大量失業和社會停擺。他們決心永遠再不走那條路。

　　Today, after many years of monetary self-discipline, they have stable, prosperous economies better able than ours to withstand the buffeting of world recession. So at international conferences to discuss economic affairs, many of my fellow heads of government find our policies not strange, unusual or revolutionary, but normal, sound and honest. And that is what they are. Their only question is: "Has Britain the courage and resolve to sustain the discipline for long enough to break through to success?"

　　如今，經過多年的貨幣自律，這些國家已經擁有了穩定繁榮的經濟，能夠比我們更好地抵禦世界經濟衰退的衝擊。因此，在討論經濟事務的國際會議上，很多我的政府首腦同行們都認為我們的政策並不奇怪，算不上反常，也根本沒什麼革命性。他們認為這樣的政策是正常的，健全的，也是誠實的。這是他們的看法。他們唯一的問題是：「英國的勇氣和決心足以維持時間足夠長的自律從而取得成功嗎？」

　　Yes, Mr Chairman, we have, and we shall. This government are determined to stay with the policy and see it through to its conclusion. That is what marks this administration as one of the truly radical ministries of postwar Britain. Inflation is falling and should continue to fall.

　　是的，主席先生。我們有勇氣和決心，我們也必將取得成功。這屆政府決心將自己的政策一路堅持到底。這是標誌著本屆政府是戰後英國真正激進的政府之一。通貨膨脹率正在下降，而且還會繼續下降。

　　Meanwhile, we are not heedless of the hardships and worries that accompany the conquest of inflation. Foremost among these is unemployment. Today our country has more than 2 million unemployed.

　　同時，我們也很清楚征服通脹將會帶來怎樣的艱難困苦。其中最重要的就是失業問題。今天，我們的國家有超過200萬人失業。

　　Now you can try to soften that figure in a dozen ways. You can point out - and it is quite legitimate to do so - that 2 million today does not mean what it meant in the 1930s; that the percentage of unemployment is much less now than it was then. You can add that today many more married women go out to work. You can stress that, because of the high birthrate in the early 1960s, there is an unusually large number of school leavers this year looking for work and that the same will be true for the next two years. You can emphasise that about a quarter of a million people find new jobs each month and therefore go off the employment register. And you can recall that there are nearly 25 million people in jobs compared with only about 18 million in the 1930s. You can point out that the Labour party conveniently overlooks the fact that of the 2 million unemployed for which they blame us, nearly a million and a half were bequeathed by their government.

　　你可以試圖以好幾種方式來緩和這一數字。你可以指出——這樣做也很合理——今天的200萬失業人口與二十世紀三十年代的200萬失業人口相比含義並不相同；今天的失業人口比例比當年要少得多。你可以進一步補充今天許多已婚婦女都在外工作。你可以強調，因為二十世紀六十年代初的高出生率，今年有大量中學畢業生出來找工作，未來兩年也將如此。你可以強調，每個月都有大約25萬人找到了新工作，因此就業登記名冊也就勾銷了他們的姓名。你可以辯稱目前有近2500萬就業人口，相比之下在二十世紀三十年代只有1800萬人。你可以指出，工黨方便地忽略了一個事實：在他們拿來指責我們的200萬失業人口當中，將近100萬要由工黨政府負責。

　　But when all that has been said, the fact remains that the level of unemployment in our country today is a human tragedy. Let me make it clear beyond doubt. I am profoundly concerned about unemployment. Human dignity and self-respect are undermined when men and women are condemned to idleness. The waste of a countrys most precious assets - the talent and energy of its people - makes it the bounden duty of government to seek a real and lasting cure.

　　但是說完了這一切理由之後，事實依舊無法動搖。今天我國的失業水平是人類的悲劇。讓我毋庸置疑地說清楚這一點。我深切地關註失業問題。當男男女女別無選擇只能遊手好閒時，人的尊嚴和自尊必將受到損害。為一個國家最寶貴資產——國民的才華和能量——的浪費尋求真正和持久的治療方法是政府義不容辭的責任。

　　If I could press a button and genuinely solve the unemployment problem, do you think that I would not press that button this instant? Does anyone imagine that there is the smallest political gain in letting this unemployment continue, or that there is some obscure economic religion which demands this unemployment as part of its ritual? This government are pursuing the only policy which gives any hope of bringing our people back to real and lasting employment. It is no coincidence that those countries, of which I spoke earlier, which have had lower rates of inflation have also had lower levels of unemployment.

　　如果我能按個按鈕就真正解決失業問題，你認為我不會立刻就按下去嗎？難道保持目前失業率能帶來最微不足道的政治利益嗎，或者說難道有什麼面目模糊的經濟宗教需要目前的失業水平作為其宗教儀式的一部分嗎？誰會如此胡思亂想呢？本屆政府正在奉行唯一一項有望為人民重新帶來真正持久就業的政策。並非巧合的是，我在剛才的發言中提到的這些通貨膨脹率較低的國家也有著較低的失業水平。

　　I know that there is another real worry affecting many of our people. Although they accept that our policies are right, they feel deeply that the burden of carrying them out is falling much more heavily on the private than on the public sector. They say that the public sector is enjoying advantages but the private sector is taking the knocks and at the same time maintaining those in the public sector with better pay and pensions than they enjoy.

　　我知道，我們許多人還有另一項真正的擔心。雖然他們同意我們的政策是正確的，但同時又深深地感到，救助他們脫離困境的負擔主要落在了私人行業而不是公共部門肩上。他們認為公共部門享受優勢的同時私營行業正在承受打擊，同時他們還堅持認為公共部門的僱員有著更好的工資和退休金待遇。

　　I must tell you that I share this concern and understand the resentment. That is why I and my colleagues say that to add to public spending takes away the very money and resources that industry needs to stay in business, let alone to expand. Higher public spending, far from curing unemployment, can be the very vehicle that loses jobs and causes bankruptcies in trade and commerce. That is why we warned local authorities that since rates are frequently the biggest tax that industry now faces, increases in them can cripple local businesses. Councils must, therefore, learn to cut costs in the same way that companies have to.

　　我必須告訴你，我同這些人有著相同的關切，也很了解他們的不滿。因此我和我的同事們認為，增加公共開支就意味著奪走其他行業繼續運行所必須的資金和資源，更不用說擴大經營規模了。高公共開支根本無法解決失業問題，反而會破壞就業崗位並導致貿易和商業的破產。所以我們警告地方政府，水電氣費用往往是各個行業現在面臨的最大稅收支出，因此這方面的上漲經常會削弱本地企業。所以各個市政府必須學會像公司不得不做的那樣削減成本。

　　That is why I stress that if those who work in public authorities take for themselves large pay increases, they leave less to be spent on equipment and new buildings. That, in turn, deprives the private sector of the orders it needs, especially some of those industries in the hard-pressed regions. Those in the public sector have a duty to those in the private sector not to take out so much in pay that they cause others unemployment. That is why we point out that every time high wage settlements in nationalised monopolies lead to higher charges for telephones, electricity, coal and water, they can drive companies out of business and cost other people their jobs.

　　正因為如此我才強調，如果公共部門的工作人員為自己加薪，投入新設備和新建築的資金就會減少。這樣又剝奪了私營部門所需要的訂單，特別是位於困難地區的行業。公共部門僱員對於私營行業人員負有責任，他們不能領取如此之高的薪金，以至於造成他人的失業。因此我們指出，國有化壟斷行業因為提高導致電話、電力、煤炭以及自來水收費提升，都會使得公司出局，使得其他人失業。

　　If spending money like water was the answer to our countrys problems, we would have no problems now. If ever a nation has spent, spent, spent and spent again, ours has. Today that dream is over. All of that money has got us nowhere, but it still has to come from somewhere. Those who urge us to relax the squeeze, to spend yet more money indiscriminately in the belief that it will help the unemployed and the small businessman, are not being kind or compassionate or caring. They are not the friends of the unemployed or the small business. They are asking us to do again the very thing that caused the problems in the first place. We have made this point repeatedly.

　　如果花錢如流水可以解決我國的問題，我們現在就什麼問題都沒了。如果說有一個國家只知道花錢，花錢，花錢，接著花錢，這個國家就是我國。今天，這個夢想已經結束了。所有這些支出沒能令我們前進一步，但這些錢卻總得從某處而來。有人希望我們放鬆緊縮政策，不分青紅皂白地花更多的錢，他們相信這樣做能夠幫助失業者和小型企業。這些人既不仁慈也沒有同情心。他們不是失業者或小型企業的朋友。他們要求我們將當初造成問題的做法再重複一遍。我們已經多次指出了這一點。

　　I am accused of lecturing or preaching about this. I suppose it is a critics way of saying, "Well, we know it is true, but we have to carp at something." I do not care about that. But I do care about the future of free enterprise, the jobs and exports it provides and the independence it brings to our people. Independence? Yes, but let us be clear what we mean by that. Independence does not mean contracting out of all relationships with others. A nation can be free but it will not stay free for long if it has no friends and no alliances. Above all, it will not stay free if it cannot pay its own way in the world. By the same token, an individual needs to be part of a community and to feel that he is part of it. There is more to this than the chance to earn a living for himself and his family, essential though that is.

　　有人指責在這方面喋喋不休地說教。我想這是批評家的說話方式：「嗯，我們知道這種說法是真的，但我們總得說點什麼。」我不關心這一點。但我的確關心自由企業的未來，關心此類企業能夠提供的就業崗位和出口貨物，關心此類能夠給我國人民帶來的獨立。獨立？是的，但我們必須講清楚我們的話是什麼意思。獨立並不意味著將本國與他國的關係一概撇清。一個國家可以是自由的，但是如果沒有朋友與盟友，這個國家必然無法長期保持自由。最重要的是，如果一個國家無法在世界當中自力更生，這個國家必然無法長期保持自由。同樣的道理，個人必須成為社區的一部分，並且感覺自己是社區的一部分。這不僅僅是為了獲得養活自己和家人的機會，儘管這一點也很重要。

　　Of course, our vision and our aims go far beyond the complex arguments of economics, but unless we get the economy right we shall deny our people the opportunity to share that vision and to see beyond the narrow horizons of economic necessity. Without a healthy economy we cannot have a healthy society. Without a healthy society the economy will not stay healthy for long.

　　當然，我們的願景與我們的目標遠遠超出了經濟學的複雜爭論，但是，除非我們得到經濟權利，否則我們將剝奪我國人民分享這一願景的機會，剝奪他們超越當前經濟困境的狹隘視野看清前方的機會。如果沒有健康的經濟，我們就不可能有健康的社會。同樣，如果沒有健康的社會，經濟也不會長期保持健康。

　　But it is not the state that creates a healthy society. When the state grows too powerful, people feel that they count for less and less. The state drains society, not only of its wealth but of initiative, of energy, the will to improve and innovate as well as to preserve what is best. Our aim is to let people feel that they count for more and more. If we cannot trust the deepest instincts of our people, we should not be in politics at all. Some aspects of our present society really do offend those instincts.

　　但健康社會的創造者並不是國家。當國家權力太強時，人們就會覺得他們自身的重要性越來越少。國家會抽干社會，不僅包括社會的財富，還有改進創新與維護現有成果所必須的能動性與精力。我們的目標是讓人們感受到他們重要性越來越強。如果我們不能信任我國人民的最深切本能，我們就不應該從事政治。我們現在這個社會的某些方面確實與這些本能相悖。

　　Decent people do want to do a proper job at work, not to be restrained or intimidated from giving value for money. They believe that honesty should be respected, not derided. They see crime and violence as a threat, not just to society but to their own orderly way of life. They want to be allowed to bring up their children in these beliefs, without the fear that their efforts will be daily frustrated in the name of progress or free expression. Indeed, that is what family life is all about. There is not a generation gap in a happy and united family. People yearn to be able to rely on some generally accepted standards. Without them you have not got a society at all, you have purposeless anarchy.

　　體面的人希望得到一份合適的工作，用自身的價值來換錢，不受任何約束或恐嚇。他們認為誠實應該得到尊重，而不是嘲笑。他們認為，犯罪和暴力不僅威脅到了社會秩序，還危及了自己的生活方式。他們希望能夠根據這些理念來撫養自己的孩子，而不必擔心他們的努力將在所謂進步或言論自由的名義之下一再受挫。事實上，這正是家庭生活的意義。在快樂而團結的家庭里沒有代溝。人們渴望能夠依靠一些得到普遍接受的標準。沒有這樣的標準也就沒有了社會，只剩下漫無目的的無政府狀態。

　　A healthy society is not created by its institutions, either. Great schools and universities do not make a great nation any more than great armies do. Only a great nation can create and involve great institutions - of learning, of healing, of scientific advance. And a great nation is the voluntary creation of its people - a people composed of men and women whose pride in themselves is founded on the knowledge of what they can give to a community of which they in turn can be proud.

　　同樣，一個健康的社會也不是由它自身的機構創建的。偉大的學校和大學並不比偉大的軍隊更能造就一個偉大的國家。只有一個偉大的國家才可以創建並包容偉大的機構機構——學術機構，醫療機構，還有科學研究機構。一個偉大的國家是國民自願建立的——這些男男女女之所以自豪，是因為他們知道自己能為這個他們引以為驕傲的國家帶來什麼。

　　If our people feel that they are part of a great nation and they are prepared to will the means to keep it great, a great nation we shall be, and shall remain. So, what can stop us from achieving this? What then stands in our way? The prospect of another winter of discontent? I suppose it might. But I prefer to believe that certain lessons have been learned from experience, that we are coming, slowly, painfully, to an autumn of understanding. And I hope that it will be followed by a winter of common sense. If it is not, we shall not be diverted from our course.

　　如果我國人民感到自己是一個偉大的國家的一部分並且準備採取必要手段來保持它的偉大，我們必將成為且永遠是一個偉大的國家。那麼，有什麼可以阻止我們實現這一目標呢？我們所面對的障礙是什麼呢？另一個可能來臨的不滿的冬天嗎？我想這是有可能的。但我寧願相信我們已經汲取了經驗與教訓，並且緩慢而痛苦地向著理解的秋天走去。我希望跟隨在這個秋天之後的會是一個常識的冬天。即便並非如此，我們也不會改弦更張。

　　To those waiting with bated breath for that favourite media catchphrase, the "U" turn, I have only one thing to say. "You turn if you want to. The ladys not for turning." I say that not only to you but to our friends overseas and also to those who are not our friends.

　　有些人正在屏息等待著那條他們最喜愛的媒體流行語，「掉頭迴轉」。對於這些人我只有一句話要說。 「你們想回頭就回頭吧，這位女士是不會回頭的。」我這話不僅是說給你們聽的，也是說給我們的外國朋友以及其他不是朋友的人聽的。

　　In foreign affairs we have pursued our national interest robustly while remaining alive to the needs and interests of others. Long before we came into office, and therefore long before the invasion of Afghanistan, I was pointing to the threat from the east. I was accused of scaremongering. But events have more than justified my words. Soviet Marxism is ideologically, politically and morally bankrupt. But militarily the Soviet Union is a powerful and growing threat.

　　在外交事務方面，我們一直在穩健地追求我國利益，同時也一直意識到其他國家的需要和利益。在我們上台之前很久，在蘇聯入侵阿富汗之前很久，我就已經指出了來自東方的威脅。曾經有人指責我危言聳聽，但是後來的局勢不僅驗證了我的話，而且還更加嚴重。蘇聯的馬克思主義在思想上，政治上和道義上都已經破產了。但是在軍事上，蘇聯依舊是一個強大且不斷增長的威脅。

　　Yet it was Mr Kosygin who said, "No peace loving country, no person of integrity, should remain indifferent when an aggressor holds human life and world opinion in insolent contempt." We agree. The British government are not indifferent to the occupation of Afghanistan. We shall not allow it to be forgotten. Unless and until the Soviet troops are withdrawn, other nations are bound to wonder which of them may be next. Of course there are those who say that by speaking out we are complicating east-west relations, that we are endangering detente. But the real danger would lie in keeping silent. Detente is indivisible and it is a two-way process.

　　然而正是柯西金先生說過這樣的話：「任何一個愛好和平的國家，任何一個正直的民族，在面對張狂蔑視人類生命和世界輿論的侵略者時都不應當無動於衷。」我們同意這句話。英國政府對於蘇軍佔領阿富汗的暴行並非無動於衷。我們不會允許此等暴行被人遺忘。除非蘇聯部隊撤出阿富汗且直到那時為止，其他國家必然要懷疑他們可能是下一個受害目標。當然也有人說，我們如此直言不諱會導致東西方關係複雜化，危及雙方關係的緩和。但是，真正的危險在於保持沉默。緩和不等於得寸進尺，這是一個雙向的過程。

　　The Soviet Union cannot conduct wars by proxy in south-east Asia and Africa, foment trouble in the Middle East and Caribbean and invade neighbouring countries and still expect to conduct business as usual. Unless detente is pursued by both sides it can be pursued by neither, and it is a delusion to suppose otherwise. That is the message we shall be delivering loud and clear at the meeting of the European security conference in Madrid in the weeks immediately ahead.

　　蘇聯無法在東南亞和非洲發動代理人戰爭、在中東和加勒比地區挑起麻煩並且入侵鄰國的同時仍然指望像往常一樣該幹什麼幹什麼。除非雙方都追求局勢緩和，否則任何單獨一方都無法緩和局勢，任何其他假設都是錯覺。在今後幾周的馬德里舉行的歐洲安全會議上，我們將會響亮清晰地地發出這條信息。

　　But we shall also be reminding the other parties in Madrid that the Helsinki accord was supposed to promote the freer movement of people and ideas. The Soviet governments response so far has been a campaign of repression worse than any since Stalins day. It had been hoped that Helsinki would open gates across Europe. In fact, the guards today are better armed and the walls are no lower. But behind those walls the human spirit is unvanquished.

　　但是，我們也應提醒馬德里的與會各方，赫爾辛基協議的本意是促進人員和思想的自由流動。蘇聯政府到目前為止的反應一直是比斯大林時期更有過之的強行鎮壓。人們曾希望，赫爾辛基將打開歐洲的門閘。事實上，今天的守衛有了更好的武器裝備以及更高的牆壁。但這些高牆背後的人類精神是不可熄滅的。

　　The workers of Poland in their millions have signalled their determination to participate in the shaping of their destiny. We salute them. Marxists claim that the capitalist system is in crisis. But the Polish workers have shown that it is the communist system that is in crisis. The Polish people should be left to work out their own future without external interference.

　　數以百萬計的波蘭工人已經顯示了他們有決心參與自己命運的塑造。我們向他們致敬。馬克思主義者們聲稱資本主義制度正處於危機之中。但是，波蘭工人已經表明，共產主義制度才真正面臨著危機。波蘭人民應該不受外來干涉地為了自己的未來而努力。

　　At every party conference, and every November in parliament, we used to face difficult decisions over Rhodesia and over sanctions. But no longer. Since we last met, the success at Lancaster House, and thereafter in Salisbury - a success won in the face of all the odds - has created new respect for Britain ... We showed over Rhodesia that the hallmarks of Tory policy are, as they have always been, realism and resolve. Not for us the disastrous fantasies of unilateral disarmament, of withdrawal from Nato, of abandoning Northern Ireland.

　　在每一次黨代會上，在11月的每一次議會辯論當中，我們都面對著制裁羅得西亞的困難決定。再也不會這樣了。自我們上次見面以來，索爾茲伯里蘭開斯特宮的勝利——一個面對重重困難所取得的勝利——為英國贏得了新的尊重...我們向羅得西亞展示了保守黨招牌政策從來都是現實主義和決心。單方面裁軍，撤出北約，放棄北愛爾蘭之類的災難性幻想從來與保守黨無關。

　　The irresponsibility of the left on defence increases as the dangers which we face loom larger. We, for our part ... have chosen a defence policy which potential foes will respect. We are acquiring, with the cooperation of the United States government, the Trident missile system. This will ensure the credibility of our strategic deterrent until the end of the century and beyond, and it was very important for the reputation of Britain abroad that we should keep our independent nuclear deterrent as well as for our citizens here.

　　隨著我們面臨的危險日漸增加，左派在國防問題上也越發不負責任。我們保守黨......選擇了將會得到潛在敵人尊重的國防政策。我們正在與美國政府合作獲取三叉戟導彈系統。這將確保英國戰略威懾的可信度保持到本世紀末以及之後很久，這一點對於英國的國際聲譽非常重要。我們應該為了我國國民而保持獨立的核威懾。

　　We have agreed to the stationing of cruise missiles in this country. The unilateralists object, but the recent willingness of the Soviet government to open a new round of arms control negotiations shows the wisdom of our firmness. We intend to maintain and, where possible, to improve our conventional forces so as to pull our weight in the alliance. We have no wish to seek a free ride at the expense of our allies. We will play our full part.

　　我們已同意在這個國家駐紮巡航導彈。單邊主義者們反對這一做法，但最近蘇聯政府開啟新一輪武器控制談判的意願顯示了堅定立場的智慧。我們打算維持並在可能的情況下提高英國常規部隊的軍力，增強我們在西方聯盟當中的影響力。我們不希望犧牲我們的盟國來尋求免費午餐。我們將充分發揮我們的作用。

　　In Europe we have shown that it is possible to combine a vigorous defence of our own interests with a deep commitment to the idea and to the ideals of the community.

　　在歐洲，我們已經表明，對於本國利益的積極保護完全可以與對於社會理想與理念的深切投入相結合。

　　The last government were well aware that Britains budget contribution was grossly unfair. They failed to do anything about it. We negotiated a satisfactory arrangement which will give us and our partners time to tackle the underlying issues ... We face many other problems in the community, but I am confident that they too will yield to the firm yet fair approach which has already proved so much more effective than the previous governments five years of procrastination.

　　上屆政府清楚地知道，英國的財政分配是極不公平的。他們始終無所作為。我們則達成了令人滿意的安排，這將使我們和我們的合作夥伴有時間來解決根本問題...我們面臨著許多其他社會問題，但我相信這些問題也終將在切實而公平的解決方法之下迎刃而解。事實已經證明這些方法比起上一任政府五年來的拖延不決更加有效。

　　With each day it becomes clearer that in the wider world we face darkening horizons, and the war between Iran and Iraq is the latest symptom of a deeper malady. Europe and North America are centres of stability in an increasingly anxious world. The community and the alliance are the guarantee to other countries that democracy and freedom of choice are still possible. They stand for order and the rule of law in an age when disorder and lawlessness are ever more widespread.

　　隨著每一天的過去，事實都變得更清晰：在這個更廣闊的世界裡，我們面對著越來越陰沉的地平線。伊朗和伊拉克之間的戰爭是更深層次弊病的最新癥狀。歐洲和北美地區在這個越來越緊張的世界成為了穩定的中心。歐共體以及北約保障了民主和自由選擇在其他國家的可能性。在這個混亂和無政府狀態遠比以往更加普遍的時代，這兩者代表了秩序和法治。

　　The British government intend to stand by both these great institutions, the community and Nato. We will not betray them. The restoration of Britains place in the world and of the wests confidence in its own destiny are two aspects of the same process. No doubt there will be unexpected twists in the road, but with wisdom and resolution we can reach our goal. I believe we will show the wisdom and you may be certain that we will show the resolution.

　　英國政府有意與歐共體和北約這兩個偉大的機構並肩而立。我們不會背叛他們。英國的世界地位以及西方世界對於自身命運的自信心是一體兩面的。毫無疑問，我們前方將會有意想不到的曲折道路，但是憑藉智慧和決心，一定可以達到我們的目標。我相信我們一定能夠展示這樣的智慧與決心。

　　In his warm-hearted and generous speech, Peter Thorneycroft said that when people are called upon to lead great nations, they must look into the hearts and minds of the people whom they seek to govern. I would add that those who seek to govern must, in turn, be willing to allow their hearts and minds to lie open to the people.

　　在他的熱忱演講當中，彼得.桑尼克羅夫特說，當人們受到召喚要引領偉大的國家時，他們必須探求他們意欲治理的人民的的心胸。我想補充一點，那些意欲治理他人的人必須願意向人民坦誠胸襟。

　　This afternoon I have tried to set before you some of my most deeply held convictions and beliefs. This party, which I am privileged to serve, and this government, which I am proud to lead, are engaged in the massive task of restoring confidence and stability to our people.

　　今天下午，我試圖在你們面前說明幾條我最深刻的信念和信仰。我很榮幸能為保守黨以及本屆政府效力，如今黨和政府已經投入了一項艱巨的任務，即恢復我國人民的信心和穩定。

　　I have always known that that task was vital. Since last week it has become even more vital than ever. We close our conference in the aftermath of that sinister utopia unveiled at Blackpool. Let Labours Orwellian nightmare of the left be the spur for us to dedicate, with a new urgency, our every ounce of energy and moral strength to rebuild the fortunes of this free nation.

　　我一直都知道，這個任務至關重要。自上周以來，它已經變得比以往任何時候都更加重要了。保守黨黨代會結束時，黑潭市的險惡烏托邦剛剛顯露原形。讓工黨的左派奧威爾式噩夢成為鞭策我們全心奉獻的動力吧，新的緊迫局勢正在眼前，需要我們拿出每一絲能量和道德力量來重建這個自由國家的命運。

　　If we were to fail, that freedom could be imperilled. So let us resist the blandishments of the faint hearts; let us ignore the howls and threats of the extremists; let us stand together and do our duty, and we shall not fail.

　　如果我們失敗，自由將會受到危害。因此，讓我們抗拒心中內心軟弱之輩的花言巧語吧，讓我們忽略極端分子的嗥叫和威脅吧，讓我們攜手並肩盡我們的責任吧。倘能如此，我們必然不會失敗。