擴展閱讀：　　（1）克萊門特.艾德禮就國王講話的發言（有刪節）

　　PRIME MINISTER CLEMENT ATTLEES SPEECH ON THE KINGS ADDRESS

　　August 16, 1945

　　Parliamentary Debates

　　I have had the privilege on many occasions of congratulating the Mover and the Seconder of the Address from the other side, but this is the first time on which I do so from the Treasury Bench. I echo what was said by my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition. All through the years I have been in the House there has been an astonishingly high standard kept in these speeches, and I entirely agree that the hon. and gallant Member for Watford (Major Freeman) and the hon. and gallant Member for Sunderland (Mr. F. J. Willey) have well sustained the old traditions. I think they are two very worthy representatives of the great number of the younger generation who have come into this House to help to solve these problems of the post-war period. I am sure that the Government will bear in mind the advice of the hon. and gallant Member for Watford that it is essential, as anyone who has served in the Forces knows, to let the fighting troops have the facts. There is nothing worse for men, wherever they are fighting or after demobilisation, than not to know the facts. We will try to keep them fully informed.

　　我曾有幸多次在議會的另一側向第一及第二發言人致敬，但是在內閣閣員席位上這麼做還是第一次。我贊同我可敬的朋友、反對黨領袖剛才的發言。我在議會的這些年中，這裡的演講一直維持著極高的標準。我衷心認為可敬而英勇的沃福德議員（Freeman上校）與可敬而英勇的桑德蘭議員(F. J. Willey先生)出色地延續了這一光榮傳統。我認為他們是為數眾多的年青一代的傑出代表，這一代人現在已經進入了議會來協助解決戰後時期的各種問題。我相信政府將會銘記可敬而英勇的沃福德議員剛才的建議，正如任何有過參軍經歷的人所體會到的那樣，讓軍隊了解事實是很重要的。無論是在戰時還是在遣散後都沒有比不了解事實更糟糕的事情。我們將會儘力向他們通報情況。

　　Yesterday we gave thanks for the final victory over all our enemies, and the world is once more at peace. For the first time for almost six years the Prime Minister can speak in this House without referring to war operations. Later we shall be taking an opportunity of thanking the Fighting Forces, but I think that before I deal with the general policy contained in the Gracious Speech from the Throne and with the speech of my right hon. Friend opposite, which I thought showed him to be in most excellent form, there is a duty which I ought to take the earliest opportunity of performing. It may be that I shall be setting a precedent in doing so, but I have been looking through the speeches of Prime Ministers on these occasions, and I find there are many varieties. The surrender of Japan has brought to an end the greatest war in history, and a General Election, which took place at a time which was not of our seeking, has resulted in the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Woodford (Mr. Churchill) being on the Opposition benches at a time when the fruits of his long leadership of the nation in war are being garnered.

　　昨天我們就最終戰勝全部敵人表達了謝意，世界再次恢復了和平。 六年以來第一次，首相在議會演講中終於可以不必提及作戰行動了。 稍後我們將藉此機會感謝戰鬥部隊，不過我想在談到國王陛下的演講以及我可敬的反對黨友人的發言當中所涉及到的一般性政策之前，還有一項我應當抓住機會儘早履行的責任。 也許我在這裡創下了先例，不過此前我一直在研究前任首相們在此類場合的發言，這些發言的風格著實多樣。 日本的投降標誌著歷史上最大規模戰爭的結束，也帶來了一場大選。儘管大選舉行的時機並非出自我們當中任何人的刻意追求，最終卻使得可敬的伍德福德議員（丘吉爾先生）在他的長期戰時領導終於結出碩果之際坐到了反對黨的議席上。

　　I think it is fitting that to-day I should pay a tribute to one of the main architects of our victory. However we may be divided politically in this House I believe I shall be expressing the views of the whole House in making acknowledgment here of the transcendent services rendered by the right hon. Gentleman to this country, to the Commonwealth and Empire, and to the world during his tenure of office as Prime Minister. During those years he was the leader of the country in war. We have seen in Fascist countries a detestable cult of leadership which has only been a cover for dictatorship, but there is a true leadership which means the expression by one man of the soul of a nation, and the translation of the common will into action. In the darkest and most dangerous hour of our history this nation found in my right hon. Friend the man who expressed supremely the courage and determination never to yield which animated all the men and women of this country. In undying phrases he crystallised the unspoken feeling of all. "Words only," it might be said, but words at great moments of history are deeds. We had more than words from the right hon. Gentlemen. He radiated a stream of energy throughout the machinery of Government, indeed throughout the life of the nation. Many others shared in the work of organising and inspiring the nation in its great effort, but he set the pace. He was able to bring into co-operation men of very different political views and to win from them loyal service. At critical times, by his personal relationship with the heads of Allied States, he promoted the harmony and co-operation of all, and in the sphere of strategy his wide experience, grasp of essentials, his willingness to take necessary risks, were of the utmost value.

　　我認為今天我們很應當向勝利的主要工程師之一表達敬意。無論我們兩人在議會中存在著怎樣的政見分歧， 我相信我將要表達的觀點可以代表議會全體成員。在此我要衷心感謝這位可敬的紳士在他的首相任期內為這個國家，為英聯邦以及為全世界所作出的傑出貢獻。這些年來他一直領導著一個身處戰爭中的國家。我們已經見識過法西斯國家如何藉助可憎的領袖崇拜為獨裁提供掩護，但真正的領袖依然存在，即通過一位個人表達一個民族的靈魂，並將全民的意志轉化成行動。在我國歷史最為黑暗而危險的時刻這個國家發現了我這位親愛的朋友，他十分卓越地向世人表明勇氣與決心永不會屈服，鼓舞了這個國家每一位男男女女。他的不朽詞句凝結了所有人心中未曾出口的感受。 「不過是言語而已，」可能有人會這麼說，但在偉大的歷史時刻言語本身就是行動。而這位先生帶給我們的也絕不只有言語。 他所釋放的能量輻射穿透了整個政府機構乃至整個國家的生活。 在工作中許多其他人曾與他一道付出巨大努力來組織與激勵這個國家，但他確定了所有人的步調。 他能令政治觀點迥異的人們團結在一起並贏得他們的忠誠效勞。在關鍵時刻，他通過自己與盟國首腦的私人關係推動了各方面的和諧與合作；在戰略制定方面，他的廣泛經驗、敏銳洞見與採取必要風險的意願則有著無法高估的價值。

　　History will link with the name of Winston Churchill that of another great leader of democracy, the late President Roosevelt. The one is present with us here to-day; the other did not live to see victory, but his service to the cause of freedom this country can never forget. I should also wish at this hour to acknowledge the great contribution made by all the peoples of the British Commonwealth and Empire to this great victory, by all our Allies, the people of the United States of America, of Russia, of China, and by all others who fought against the common enemy. And perhaps above all I should like to emphasise that victory has come through the contributions of thousands and millions of ordinary men and women. In all the various spheres of activity it has been the steadfastness, courage, and sense of duty of the ordinary citizen that saved civilisation. Speaking to-day in this House, a new House of Commons, I should like to pay a tribute to the House of Commons that has passed away, which sustained and fortified the Government through all the trials of war. Throughout it set an example of democracy in action which I am sure will inspire the new Members. I thought it right to say these things.

　　歷史將會把溫斯頓.丘吉爾的名字與與另一位偉大的民主領袖聯繫在一起，也就是已故的羅斯福總統。這兩人中的一位今天依然與我們同在；另一位則沒能活著看到勝利，但這個國家將永遠不會忘記他為自由所作出的貢獻。 我也希望在此刻向英聯邦以及帝國境內為這一偉大勝利所作出貢獻的全體人民致謝；向我們所有的盟國，包括美國、俄國、中國以及所有曾與我們一道反抗共同敵人的各國人民致謝。也許我首先應當強調的是，勝利來自成千上萬普通男女的貢獻。 正是各行各業普通公民的堅定、勇氣和責任感使得文明得以保存。今天在新一屆下院發表講話，我還想向已然解散的上一屆下院致敬，正是上屆下院支持著政府經歷了所有的戰火試煉。戰爭期間它為行動中的民主做出了表率，我相信新任議員們也會受其激勵。 我覺得這些話應當講明。

　　I now turn to deal with the Gracious Speech from the Throne, but before doing so there are one or two matters of business which I must mention. It will, I think, be obvious to all that the legislative programme set out in the Gracious Speech is heavy. This House will have plenty of work before it. The Debate on the Address will occupy the remainder of this week, and I hope it will be concluded next week. Under your guidance, Mr. Speaker, we shall endeavour to meet the wishes of the House in regard to the general Debate on the Address as regards the specific subjects which may be desired. We shall bring forward a Motion inviting the House to approve of the Charter of the United Nations signed by fifty nations at San Francisco on 26th June, 1945. There is also certain other business which we desire to pass as a matter of urgency. I hope it will prove non-contentious. There is a Bill to amend the law relating to Local Government Elections, so as to enable Service men who are serving abroad to stand as candidates. There is a Motion to approve Regulations which complete the provision made in the Representation of the People Act. 1945, for proxy voting by Service voters at Local Government Elections. There is also a Motion to continue in force the Proclamation issued under the Government of India Act by the Governor of Bengal.

　　我現在要談一下國王陛下的講話，但在此之前我還有一兩件事必須提一下。我認為人們很快都將注意到，國王講話中談及的立法規劃工作十分繁重。這屆議會將面臨大量的工作。 關於國王講話的辯論將佔據本周的所有剩餘時間，我希望這一辯論能於下星期結束。 發言人先生，在您的指導之下，我們將努力滿足下院就可能希望得到討論的特定議題進行一般性辯論的願望。我們將向下院提出動議，懇請其批准1945年6月26日五十個國家在舊金山簽署的《聯合國憲章》。我希望這一做法沒有爭議。這其中包括一項關於修訂地方政府選舉有關法律的提案，這能使得在國外服役的人員也作為候選人參選。另一項動議則旨在批准相關法規以便完善1945年《人民代表法》中提出的服役人員委託代理參與當地政府投票選舉的規定。此外還有一項動議，旨在延續孟加拉總督根據《印度政府決議》發布的公告的效力。

　　During the past few days great events have been taking place. I think that perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will agree that the preparation of the Kings Speech, with events moving at the pace they have been, has been somewhat difficult. I thought he rather expected us to have adjusted our statements and plans with regard to demobilisation in the light of the surrender of Japan. I am sure he will realise that the time for that was somewhat short. We have been living through great events, and we have got to realise we are living in a new world. We have seen in action a new force, the result of scientific discovery, the far-reaching consequences of which, I think, we find it difficult to grasp; but I think we can all realise we shall have to make a reevaluation of the whole situation, especially in the sphere of international relations. It is easy to have the habit of looking at things in the light of the past and failing to make readjustment, and I think it is perhaps fitting that we should look at these new problems, or old problems, in a new light, with a new House of Commons in which there is such a large number of young Members, and for the first time in our history with a Labour Government in power supported by a great majority.

　　過去幾天發生了許多大事。 我想可敬的先生或許會同意，在事件進展如此之快的大背景下準備國王的演講詞著實有些困難。由於日本已經投降，我想他很可能期待我們修改關於軍隊複員的發言與計劃。 我想他肯定會意識到這樣做有點操之過急了。 我們經歷了重大的事件，我們必須意識到我們正生活在一個新世界當中。我們看到了科學發現的成果作為一股新生力量發揮了怎樣的作用，這股力量造成的影響如此深遠，我們目前可能還難以把握；但我想我們都意識到了我們必須重新評估整個形勢，特別是在國際關係領域。人們很容易用過去的眼光看待當前的問題並因此無法做出適應與調整。這一屆新成立的下院中有著如此眾多的年輕成員，而在歷史上也第一次出現了獲得絕對多數支持的工黨政府，因此我認為我們很應當以新的眼光來看待這些新問題，或老問題。

　　Perhaps this would be a convenient point for me to deal with a matter that is still troubling my right hon. Friend opposite, and that is the question of Professor Laski. My right hon. Friend has known Professor Laski for many years, although I am afraid he has not sat under him in the school of political science, but he knows that in common with himself Professor Laski has a somewhat ebullient phraseology and at times is apt to be a little impulsive. He claims for himself, as my right hon. Friend so eloquently claimed just now for all people, the right of individual action, and as a citizen of this country he has the right to express his views. Whether or not he is expressing the views of some particular outside body is another matter; it is a matter between him and any body to which he may belong; but I am glad of the opportunity, if it is necessary at all, to say that Government policy is laid down by Ministers, and therefore any newspaper or any foreign Power or any politician who thinks that the policy of this Government is laid down by anybody but the Labour Ministers is making a great mistake.

　　目前有一個仍然困擾著我尊敬的反對黨朋友的問題。拉斯基教授也提到過這個問題。也許眼下對我來說正是著手解決問題的好機會。我尊敬的反對黨朋友與拉斯基教授已相識多年，雖然我恐怕他從未上過教授的政治學課程，但他知道，他自己與拉斯基教授有一點共同之處，他們兩人都辯才無礙，而且有時容易失之衝動。拉斯基教授為了他自己而要求——正如我尊敬的朋友剛才為了全體英國人民而雄辯地要求過那樣——個人行動的權利，身為這個國家的公民，他有權利表達自己的觀點。至於他是否表達了一些特定外部組織的意見則另當別論，這是他和他可能隸屬的任何組織之間的事；但我很高興藉此機會說明——如果真有必要說明的話——政府的政策由大臣們決定，因此假如有任何報紙、外國政府或政客認為本屆政府的政策是由工黨大臣以外的任何人制定的，那他們就犯了一個極大的錯誤。

　　The Speech from the Throne sets out the programme and policy which the Labour party believes to be best in the interests of this country and the policy it intends to carry out. Details will be explained more fully by other speakers later in the Debate, but I want to try this afternoon to bring before the House the gravity of the issues which confront us at home and abroad. It is vital to realise that we have come through difficult years and we are going to face difficult years, and to get through them will require no less effort, no less unselfishness and no less hard work, than was needed to bring us through the war. I know this is a hard saying to people who have worked so much and so hard and suffered so much, but it would be entirely wrong not to represent the facts perfectly plainly before the whole people of this country.

　　國王的講話列明了工黨認為最能符合國家利益的計劃與政策詳情以及工黨意欲實施的政策。在辯論中稍後其他發言人將更加充分地解釋相關細節，但今天下午我想在下院嘗試說明一下我們所面臨的國內外問題的嚴重性。至關重要的是要意識到，我們已經渡過了一段艱難歲月，我們還將繼續面對另一段艱難歲月，想要闖過接下來的難關所必需的努力、無私奉獻與辛勤工作將毫不遜色於我們為了挺過戰爭所付出的一切。我知道，對於已經工作得如此勤奮、忍受了這許多艱辛的人民來說，這番話著實難以啟齒。但是如果不能把眼下的實際情況完全真實地展現在這個國家的全體人民面前將會是大錯特錯的行徑。

　　I want to say a few words, first of all, on the international situation. Although the war has been brought to an end, it has left behind it a great aftermath of difficult problems, some of which my right hon. Friend referred to in his speech. I do not want to deal at great length with them because I understand one of the days of this Debate will be devoted to foreign affairs, and I would rather that a full statement was made by my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary; but no one knows better than the right hon. Gentleman opposite how difficult foreign affairs are to-day and how careful we should be not to give false impressions. Almost the whole of Europe has been ravaged and overset. I am not replying just now to the points that my right hon. Friend put to me with regard to the exchanges of population in central Europe. I would rather have a considered statement made by the Foreign Secretary. But I assure the House that that was one of the matters we considered very carefully at Potsdam, because we all of us wished to avoid some of those terrible things that have been happening over the past few years in Europe.

　　首先，我想就國際形勢說幾句話。雖然戰爭已經結束，它卻留下了眾多棘手的遺留問題，我尊敬的朋友在他的講話里已經談到了其中的一部分。我不想在這裡多說，因為我知道日後早晚我要把一整天的時間都花在辯論外交問題上，而且我更願意讓尊敬的外交大臣進行更全面的發言，但沒有人比我尊敬的反對黨朋友更了解當今的外交問題有多麼困難，我們又應當多麼小心地避免誤導他人。幾乎整個歐洲都慘遭蹂躪與踐踏。我不會回答我尊敬的朋友就歐洲中部人口流動問題的提問，我寧願讓外相進行研究之後再發言。但我向議會保證，這一點是我們在波茨坦詳細考慮過的事項之一，因為我們大家都希望避免過去幾年發生在歐洲的慘劇。

　　We were in conference only a few days ago, the Foreign Secretary and myself, with President Truman and Marshal Stalin, and we took up the work that had been done by the right hon. Gentleman opposite. I would like fully to echo what the right hon. Gentleman said about the right hon. Member for Warwick and Leamington (Mr. Eden) and the services he did at Potsdam. We were there dealing mainly with the immediate problems that have arisen out of the defeat of Germany. We did get agreement on many subjects. Others will be considered, and I hope solved, at the meetings of foreign Ministers, but there are a number of others that must remain over for settlement at the Peace Conference. We have to realise that in all the countries of Europe which have been overrun by Nazi Germany, and in the satellite countries, there are very difficult political problems to be settled. There are many governments to-day in Europe that rest on no sure foundation of popular election. It is really optimistic to expect the political life in those countries to settle down easily, quickly and smoothly. In many of them political life has never been easy and smooth even in the best of times of peace. It is our intention everywhere to help to secure that the will of the people shall prevail. We look forward with hope to the emergence of democratic governments based on free elections to take a part in building up the shattered framework of the European polity. In this task we shall seek to render all the assistance in our power, in co-operation with our Allies, especially with our great Allies, the United States of America and Russia.

　　僅在幾天前，我和外交部長剛剛接手了我尊敬的朋友留下的工作並與杜魯門總統和斯大林元帥開過會。在此我對我尊敬的朋友剛才對華威與利明頓選區議員（艾登先生）本人以及他在波茨坦工作成果的評價予以最衷心的應和。我們在會上主要處理了德國戰敗導致的迫切問題。我們在很多方面都達成了共識，有的方面則需要進一步研究，我希望這些問題能在接下來的外長會議上得到解決。不過有其他一些方面必須留到和平會議上商定。我們必須認識到，在所有遭到納粹德國蹂躪的歐洲國家及其衛星國家內部都存在著非常棘手、亟待解決的政治問題。現在許多歐洲國家的政府根本沒有確保普選的基礎。認為這些國家的政治生活可以十分輕易、迅速且順利地安頓下來實在是過於樂觀的預計。許多這樣的國家即使在和平時期最佳條件下也從未享有過簡單且順利的政治生活。我們的意圖就是確保各國人民的意志都能得到貫徹。我們懷著希望期待著基於自由選舉的民主政府能夠為重建分崩離析的歐洲政體框架盡一份力量。在這一任務當中，我們應當與我們的盟國、尤其是我們偉大的盟友美國和俄國合作，設法提供一切力所能及的援助。

　　But it is necessary to realise that it is not only the political and social life of Europe that has been shattered. The economic situation is very grave. I fear there are many people in Europe who are going to be both cold and hungry this winter despite all that can be done. The reasons are obvious. While the damage done to the industries of the liberated countries has not been as great, I think, as we first feared, the damage to means of communications has been tremendous. Ports, railways, roads and bridges have been destroyed. There is a great shortage of railway rolling stock, a great shortage of lorries, and we have to remember that in countries of advanced industrialisation accustomed to the free movement of supplies from one district to another, there are bound to be local shortages and the general situation will be very difficult. Some of these difficulties are being overcome, but I ought to mention to the House some of the gravest. One is that of coal. All the liberated countries in Western Europe need coal, and without it there is bound to be unemployment. If industry cannot work, railways cannot function, and badly needed food will be lost for want of processing facilities. We must get coal. But it is not easy. Economic difficulties have their repercussions on political stability and all the Governments concerned are doing their utmost to try to improve matters, to try to get an equitable sharing of what there is. We and our Allies are doing our best to increase the production of coal in Germany. There again, time must elapse before we can get anything like back to the pre-war level. Next in importance to coal is the shortage of transport. Here we will try to do all we can with the release of military vehicles. Thirdly, there is the shortage of food, particularly meat, fats and sugar. It must be realised that there is a world shortage of these due to a number of different causes, and you cannot overtake the shortages, because the food is not there. Owing to the extent of the shipping employed in meeting the needs of the Forces in the Pacific-and it takes time to unravel that-the amounts of raw material that can be moved within Europe and from outside into Europe are very limited. Therefore, these shortages of coal, transport, food and raw materials tend to aggravate each other. We will do our best to help to remedy them, but as the right hon. Gentleman opposite said so well, we have been and still are cut to the bone at home. It is no use thinking this country has some great surplus it can pour into other countries. It cannot. We have cut ourselves very close indeed. While the end of the war with Japan will bring some assistance, it would be unwise to expect it will materially affect the position for some months.

　　但是必須要認識到，遭到重創的不僅僅是歐洲的政治與社會生活。當前的經濟形勢也是非常嚴峻的。我擔心，儘管我們將會盡最大的努力，但是今年冬天歐洲依然很多人難免會遭受饑寒之苦。原因是顯而易見的。一方面眾多得到解放的國家在工業方面所遭受的損失並未像我們一開始擔心的那樣嚴重，另一方面通信設施遭受了嚴重破壞。港口，鐵路，道路和橋樑毀壞殆盡。鐵路機車嚴重短缺，貨車數量嚴重不足，而且我們必須記住，在習慣於地區間物資供應自由流動的先進工業化國家，必然會出現大量局部短缺現象，整體形勢也將非常困難。這些困難中有一些正在得到克服，但我有責任提醒下院一些最嚴重的問題。首先是煤。所有得到解放的西歐國家都需要煤，沒有煤炭必然會導致失業。如果工業不能正常工作，鐵路就不能運作，急需的食品也會由於缺乏處理設施而遭受損失。我們必須獲取煤炭。但這並不容易。經濟困境對政治穩定有著特殊的影響，各國政府正在盡最大努力，設法改善局面，儘力公平分享手頭現有的資源。我們以及我們的盟友正在竭盡所能地提高德國的煤炭產量。但是想要恢復到戰前水平依舊需要時間。其次是交通運輸能力的短缺。就此我們將儘力利用軍用車輛。第三是食品，特別是肉類、脂肪和糖的短缺。我們必須意識到由於各種不同原因，這些物資的缺口極大，而且無法彌補，因為本來就什麼也沒有。由於大量航運能力要用來滿足太平洋地區部隊的需要——撤回這些部隊也需要時間——近期可以在歐洲內部以及從歐洲以外向內運輸的原材料數量是非常有限的。因此，煤炭、運輸、食品和原材料短缺往往相互火上澆油。我們將竭盡所能來彌補這一問題，但正如我尊敬的反對黨朋友所說，之前與現在的英國都處於捉襟見肘的困境中。以為這個國家可以將自己的盈餘物資傾瀉進其他國家，這一想法於事無補。這不可能。我們的餘地基本已經所剩無幾了。雖然對日戰爭的結束會帶來一定幫助，但期望這一點會在接下來幾個月產生重大影響是不明智的。

　　I would like here to make a particular reference about U.N.R.R.A., whose Council is now meeting in London. As the Foreign Secretary has said we stand by U.N.R.R.A. This organisation has had great difficulties, but it is doing work of the greatest value in those countries that are receiving its aid, and we hope that at this Council meeting arrangements can be made which will enable U.N.R.R.A. to complete its work in the countries where it is now operating and also to extend its full facilities to Italy and Austria, which are at present maintained through military channels.

　　在這裡，我想特別談一下聯合國善後救濟總署，其理事會會議目前正在倫敦舉行。正如外交部長所說，我們支持聯合國善後救濟總署的工作。這個組織遭遇了很大的困難，但它正在接受援助的那些國家進行著極有價值的工作，我們希望這次理事會會議的安排能使聯合國善後救濟總署完成其在這些國家的工作，並將其工作範圍擴展到義大利和奧地利，目前這兩國還在依靠軍事渠道的維持。

　　There is the economic condition of Europe. I am not going to speak of conditions outside Europe, but there is a danger in the Eastern countries as well, and it is in the light of these grave world economic conditions that we must view our own situation. Before the House rises for the Autumn Recess, we are to have a Debate on San Francisco. I do not think that the people of this country have realised sufficiently the importance of this conference. It may be because it was held a long way away. I think there is a much more vivid realisation in the United States of what is meant, and yet, surely, its purpose-the prevention of a repetition of the horrors of war-ought to appeal to us all, and, today, I think, in the light of recent events, we can say that the achievement of this purpose is not only desirable but vital for the survival of civilisation. Unless the forces of destruction now set loose in the world are brought under control, it is vain to plan for the future. I do not propose to make any statement at the moment with regard to plans for controlling those forces. The thing is new upon us, but it is quite obvious-and statements made by the President of the United States and myself have, I think, made it clear-that this thing must be controlled in the interests of all the people of the world and not exploited for the interests of only one.

　　歐洲的經濟狀況也必須加以考慮。我不打算談論歐洲以外的形勢，但是東方國家也有危險。鑒於目前嚴峻的世界經濟形勢，我們一定要仔細檢視我們自己的情況。在下院秋季休會前，我們將在舊金山進行一場辯論。我不認為英國人民已經充分意識到了這次會議的重要性。這可能是開會地點離我們太遠。我覺得美國人民對這次會議有著更為生動的認識。但可以肯定，這次會議的目的——防止可怖戰爭的重演——應該令我們所有人感同身受。而今天我覺得，鑒於最近發生的事件，我們可以說，實現這一目的不僅可取，也對於文明的存續至關重要。除非現在已然釋放到世界上的破壞力量得到控制，否則規劃未來就是徒勞無益的。目前我不打算髮表任何關於控制這些力量的看法。我們遇到了新問題，但十分明顯的是——美國總統和我本人所作的發言已經表明了這一點——必須為了世界所有人民的利益而控制這一力量，而不能聽任其受到某一國的利用。

　　The gracious Speech from the Throne expressed in very few words the policy of the Government in international affairs. As the right hon. Gentleman said, I believe it is a policy on which we can all unite. We sought no advantage for ourselves out of this war. Our desire is to heal the wounds of war, to ensure all peoples the right to live their own lives in peace and security. We want freedom. I entirely agree with what the right hon. Gentleman said about the abomination of police rule and our desire to see freedom, but I equally agree with him when he said that there are limitations on what you can do in interference with the internal affairs of other states. It is our desire that nations should be free and that the citizens of those nations should be free, but the extent of what we can effect may be more limited. We seek to prevent aggression, to promote an increase of prosperity for all peoples throughout the world by peaceful co-operation, and we seek ourselves, as a free democratic people, to live with all nations, respecting the rights of others and claiming no more from others than what we are prepared to concede to them. As I say, we shall have an opportunity of discussing foreign affairs at more length and in more detail.

　　國王講話言簡意賅地表明了本屆政府在國際事務中的政策。正如尊敬的紳士所說，我相信這是一項可以令我們團結在一起的政策。我們不指望通過這場戰爭為自己撈取什麼好處。我們的願望是醫治戰爭的創傷，以確保所有人民在和平與安全的環境中生活的權利。我們要的是自由。我完全同意尊敬的紳士警察關於統治的可惡和我們對自由的渴望的說法，但我同樣同意他認為干涉其他國家彼此間相互關係效力有限的看法。我們的願望是各國都能得到自由，各國公民都能得到自由，但我們能做的可能更為有限。我們的目的是防止侵略，通過和平合作促進世界各地所有人民的繁榮發展，我們希望作為一個自由民主的民族與所有其他國家共存，尊重他國的權利，不向任何國家索取我們自己不願給予的任何事物。正如我所說，我們應當找機會進一步更詳細地討論外交事務。

　　I now turn to affairs at home, and, here again, I would like to say something on the general economic position that faces us. I do not think anybody is ignorant of the gravity of the problem. During these last six years, we have deliberately transformed our whole economic system for the single purpose of defeating the enemy in battle. The battle has been won, but the result of the means we had to adopt remains. On the one hand, the machinery of our economic life has been diverted from peace to war, and it is true that, since the end of the war with Germany, we have been making some start in the process of reconversion. The right hon. Gentleman said we were in a difficult position with the continuance of the Japanese war, for how long we did not know-a kind of twilight of reconstruction. Well, it is true that we can now move ahead without that war hanging over us, but it does not alter the fact that the transition is very difficult. We were organised as a war machine to fight the Japanese. That has come to an end, thank Heaven, much earlier than any had expected, but it will take time before the effects can be felt.

　　我現在轉向國內事務，在這裡我想再次談一下我們面臨的總體經濟狀況。我不認為還有任何人意識不到當前問題的嚴重性。在過去六年中，我們為了在戰鬥中擊敗敵人這唯一的目的而進行了經濟體系的徹底轉型。我們已經勝利了，但那些不得不採取的手段所帶來的結果依然與我們同在。一方面，我們的經濟生活中的運行機制曾經從和平轉向戰爭，對德戰爭結束以來，我們也的確開始了復原的過程。正如尊敬的紳士所說，對日戰爭的持續使我們的立場十分困難，我們不知道這場戰爭何時能夠結束，這令重建始終難以正式開展。的確，我們現在可以擺脫戰爭輕裝前進了，但這一點改變不了過渡將會非常困難的事實。我們將自身組織成一台戰爭機器來對抗日本，謝天謝地戰爭終於結束了，而且比任何預期都要早得多，但還需要時間才可以感受到這一點帶來的影響。

　　That brings me to the point that the right hon. Gentleman mentioned about demobilisation. Everybody knows, and nobody better than the right hon. Gentleman, what happens if you do not have orderly demobilisation. We were looking ahead at the time, and we were not talking of demobilisation, but of the reallocation of our forces, and we have stated that we would continue the orderly release of men and women from the Armed Forces, on the basis of the plans announced in the Autumn of last year. Although the actual fighting is over, we have not come to the time of full demobilisation. We have to keep the strength of our Armed Forces at a high level to meet our military commitments. Japans surrender will not affect our commitments in Europe, and, in the East, we shall still need substantial forces to make our contribution to the occupation of Japan, and the recovery of our Colonial possessions and to help in restoring order.It would be folly to think that you can at once disband your forces. It was one of the weaknesses of the last war. There were no forces in hand to prevent disturbances all over Europe. Therefore, the problem remains one of orderly reduction from the peak strength of total war, to the lower level of this occupational phase, and it was to meet this particular problem that my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary, when Minister of Labour, devised the demobilisation scheme which was announced last Autumn and which met with very general approval. I think it is essential that demobilisation should continue to be regulated in accordance with those principles. It does not mean that everything is exactly the same, but the broad principles laid down then and accepted by those concerned should be continued: the release in Class A by group based on age and length of service, coupled with limited release under Class B of men whose special skills are needed for the urgent tasks of reconstruction at home.

　　話說到這裡，我想談一下尊敬的紳士所說的複員問題。大家都清楚，而且沒有人比尊敬的紳士更清楚，複員工作一旦混亂會造成怎樣的後果。我們在這裡考慮的是未來的情況，現在我們談論的不是複員，而是軍隊的重新部署，而且我們已經聲明將根據去年秋天宣布的計劃持續而有序地推進武裝部隊的複員工作。雖然實際戰鬥已經結束，但徹底複員的階段還未到來。我們需要將武裝部隊的力量保持在較高水平，以承擔我們的軍事責任。日本的投降並不會影響我們在歐洲的責任，與此同時在東方，我們仍然需要大量的部隊來完成對日佔領以及殖民地的光復與恢復秩序。認為軍隊可以立刻解散是十分愚蠢的觀點。這是上一場戰爭的問題之一，即戰後沒有留下足夠的力量以防止歐洲各地的騷亂。因此目前的問題是將全面戰爭階段處於峰值的軍力有序地縮減至佔領階段所需的較低軍力。我尊敬的朋友、現任外交大臣當年擔任勞工大臣時為了解決這一特定問題而設計過一套複員計劃，該計劃已於去年秋天公布並得到了普遍認可。我認為應繼續按照這些原則管理複員工作。這並不意味著照搬當年的做法，但當年制定的、業已獲得有關人員接受的主體原則應當繼續下去：首先根據年齡和服役時長確定A類複員人員，其次根據國內重建所急需的特種技能人才確定B類複員人員。

　　We propose one addition to the scheme-a Class B release for women, in order to secure the earlier release from the forces of a limited number of women formerly engaged in key occupations, where lack of labour is seriously delaying the restoration of civil production. Although those general principles remain, and the. system of demobilisation remains, the surrender of Japan will make it possible, when plans have been re-cast, to accelerate the rate at which men and women are being released. Demobilisation will be speeded up, and while there may be necessarily some variation in the rate of demobilisation between the three Services, we shall see to it that during the next few months we return to civil life as many men and women as can be released from the Forces, consistent with meeting our military commitments and preserving fair dealing between man and man and woman and woman, on which the whole demobilisation scheme is based.

　　在此我們建議增加一類複員人員——面向婦女的B類複員，以確保入伍前從事關鍵崗位的婦女能以有限數量儘早複員，這些崗位上的人手缺乏正嚴重拖延著民營產業的恢復進程。雖然一般性原則仍然存在，複員系統也依然存在，日本投降將有可能使得當前計劃在重新制定時能加速複員速度。複員將加快，儘管三軍之間的複員速度會根據需要而有所不同，我們也應當看到，在承擔軍事責任的前提下，接下來的幾個月里將會有儘可能多的男男女女離開軍隊返回平民生活，且整個過程的公平性也將得到保持，這正是整個複員計劃的基礎。

　　From demobilisation and man power I turn to some other problems. The industries serving the civilian population have not really got under way yet, and our export trade is only a fraction of what it was in pre-war days, and it follows, therefore, that the stocks of consumable goods are still very low, and that to produce them in any great quantities must take time. On the other hand, we are faced with an immense demand for goods and services, which could only be filled by a fully efficient peace-time organisation of all the resources that we can employ. We need a vast increase in homes, in the quantity of household goods, clothing, fuel and everything else. At the same time, there is banked up a great mass of purchasing power in the hands of private individuals and businesses, and people will be anxious to spend it in the satisfaction of their needs.

　　接下來我想從複員和人力轉向其他問題。服務平民的工業尚未真正起步，我們的出口貿易與戰前相比只是九牛一毛，因此消費品的保有量仍然很低，這方面的任何大規模生產必須花時間。另一方面，我們正面臨著對商品和服務的巨大需求，只有通過一個完全有效的和平時期組織來調動所有資源才能滿足這一需求。我們需要住房、家居用品、服裝、燃料和其他一切物資在數量上的大量增加。同時，個人和私人企業手中的購買力也積累到了極高的水平，人們會急於為了滿足需求而消費。

　　We therefore face two distinct dangers. The first of all is inflation. No one can doubt what would happen if scarce goods were allowed to go to the highest bidder. Prices would rise. Our limited, precious resources would be wasted without any regard to the order of priority which the national interest demands. The Government are resolved that there shall be no inflation. We are determined that the great principle of the fair and equitable sharing of resources, which has been the basis of our very national existence, and our effort during this war, shall not be abandoned, but I would emphasise that, whatever steps may be taken by the Government, we shall require the backing of all the people. I would emphasise again, that whatever controls they abandon people must not abandon self-control. It is a matter of every individual realising that what he does matters, and not assuming that everything is all right for him and that the other man can do the refraining.

　　因此我們面臨著兩種截然不同的危險。首先是通貨膨脹。如果允許稀缺商品流入出價最高的人手中，將會造成的後果所有人都能想見。物價將會上漲，有限而寶貴的資源將慘遭浪費，國家利益訴求將得不到任何優先考慮。政府已經下定決心絕不造成通脹。我們已經下定決心，決不放棄資源公正和公平分享原則，這以原則一直是我們的國家存在以及戰爭努力的基礎。但我想強調，無論政府可能採取任何步驟，我們都將需要所有人的支持。我想再次強調，無論放棄哪一方面的管制，人們都絕不能放棄自我控制。每一位個人都要意識到自己行為的重要性，而不是假設自己一切都好，其他人可以看著辦。

　　There is another danger-unemployment. Much as we rejoice at the sudden victory in the East, it does enhance that danger, and we are trying to release the greatest possible number of men and women with the least possible delay. But the adaptation of war industries cannot be effected in a day or two. The places where labour is available may not be those where it is needed for new purposes, and there is the possibility of pockets of unemployment developing. Great efforts will be needed not only by the Government but by the employers and workers to reduce to a minimum the waste and wretchedness which would result from delay in fitting those released from war work into peace-time occupations. And there is a further point. The needs of our people at home are very great, but it is as well to face the fact that we shall have to start paying our way for the essential food and raw materials we have to import from abroad. However successful our efforts in the production of food on our own land-and we will do our utmost-we must continue to import a very substantial proportion of our needs if the people are to be properly fed.

　　還有另一個危險——失業。儘管我們為東方突然降臨的勝利感到高興，勝利卻加劇了這一危險，我們正試圖儘可能快地複員儘可能多的男女士兵。但軍工行業的轉型不能在一兩天內造成影響。現在富有人手的地區未必是那些為了新目的而需要勞動力的地區，一定數量的局部失業地區也可能出現。這不僅需要政府付出巨大努力，僱主和工人也要共同努力，將戰時工作人員重新投入和平時期職業過程中的延誤所導致的浪費與殘次品減少到最低限度。進一步再說一點。國內人民的需求很大，但它也意味著以下事實：我們必須開始花大錢從國外進口相當數量的食品和原材料。無論我們在本土糧食生產上如何竭盡所能並取得了怎樣的成功，進口依舊必須繼續佔據非常可觀的需求比例，唯此人民才不會挨餓。

　　A great many of these things have been met by Lend-Lease, by mutual aid, and by increasing our overseas obligation in sterling, and that is a situation which cannot go on indefinitely. Sooner or later, we have to face the fact that we can only buy abroad, if we can pay for imports in goods and services. Therefore, we must set ourselves resolutely to the task of increasing our exports. I have already called the attention of the House and the Government to the shortage of many prominent needs of the community and it is quite idle to suppose that, after all the wastage of the war, we can overtake those shortages rapidly. During the General Election there was some loose talk about the continuance of controls, and some very loose talk about the abolition of all controls by a few irresponsible people, but in the existing conditions, which I have tried to describe to the House, it would be absolute madness at the present time to abandon those financial and economic controls which have served us well during the war. There will have to be considerable adjustments, of course. It was precisely because of these conditions of scarcity, and of the need for industry being active in the national interest, that controls had to be imposed, and while those conditions exist, and those requirements continue, controls of one kind or another must remain.

　　目前這些問題中的相當一部分是由《租借條約》、互助以及增加英鎊的海外義務來解決的，這一情況不能無限期地進行下去。遲早我們必須面對這一事實，即我們只能從國外進口，如果我們能夠支付得起進口貨物和服務的話。因此，我們必須下定決心增加出口。我已經呼籲下院和政府重視當前許多突出的社會需求不足，要是以為在戰火摧殘之後我們可以輕鬆解決這些短缺問題未免流於輕浮。在大選期間有人就繼續管制的問題發表過一些信口開河的言論，還有少數不負責任的人就取消一切管制發表過一些非常信口開河的言論，但在我儘力向下院描述的當前形勢下，目前就放棄這些在戰爭期間為我們立下汗馬功勞的金融經濟管制手段是絕對的瘋狂行為。當然，相當大的調整必須到位。正是因為物資稀缺的現實，以及對工業部門積極保障國家利益的需要，才有必要施加這些管制。只要這些現實情況與實際需要依然存在，各種形式的管制措施就必須保持下去。

　　I would like to refer to two of the major problems which face the Government and this country. The first is that of housing. I do not suppose that there is anything that is more in the minds of the people. Within the limits open to us, we shall do our utmost to increase and accelerate the erection of houses, but there is a tremendous leeway to be made up. The production and erection of temporary houses has not kept pace with the programme laid down by the late Government, and it must be recognised that nothing we can do in the way of new reconstruction can substantially alleviate the serious position which will arise this winter. We have all had to face that. There was no building, there was the blitz. A start was made and everybody must have realised that we could not recreate those houses in the time at our disposal. It will have to be dealt with by using all our sources of accommodation, by requisitioning empty houses, perhaps by the better use of houses partly occupied through adaptation and conversion. I have been giving consideration to the organisation necessary to ensure the vigorous direction and the concentration of effort in dealing with this urgent need. Any drastic reorganisation of Ministries would require legislation and would cause delay and I have therefore decided, at all events for the present, that responsibility for directing the housing campaign will rest with the Minister of Health, in England and Wales, and in Scotland with the Secretary of State.

　　我想談一下本屆政府和這個國家面對的兩個主要問題。首先是住房。我不認為在人民的心中還有什麼事情更加重要。在目前的局限下，我們將竭盡所能儘快興建住房，但在這方面還有大量失去的時間需要彌補。臨時房屋的生產和架設沒有跟上上屆政府所制定計劃的步伐，此外必須承認，我們在重建新進程中根本無法根本性緩解今年冬天即將出現的嚴重局勢。我們全都不得不面對這一點。我們手頭沒有住房，只有德軍空襲留下的廢墟。我們已經開始了這方面的工作，而且每個人都必須意識到，我們不能在現有的時間內重新修建所有房屋。我們必須利用所有的資源，徵用空屋或通過改建更好地利用部分佔用的房屋。我一直在給予這一組織必要的考慮以確保處理這一迫切需要所必須的積極領導和專註努力。任何重大部門重組都需要立法，並且將導致拖延。因此我已決定，將領導目前英格蘭和威爾士地區全部住房事務的責任交予衛生大臣，蘇格蘭地區則由蘇格蘭事務大臣負責。

　　The second problem is the very serious coal situation. Last year we only got through by drawing very heavily on our stocks. We face the coming winter with reduced stocks. Output, from causes which have been discussed and are well known, has been declining, and I would make a most earnest appeal to all those concerned in the industry to do their utmost to increase production, and to all coal users to use the utmost economy in fuel, light and power. And that again, is a case where it is no good leaving it to the "other man." It is the mass of individual saying that affects the people. The Governments policy of nationalising the coalmining industry will bring great advantages in the long run. [HON. MEMBERS: "How long?"] Wait a moment. I was going to tell hon. Members, but it cannot affect the position this winter. A Bill which could not be introduced until October, would hardly be likely to affect the production of coal this winter, and I must emphasise that, on coming into office, we found a serious situation, and the co-operation of all will be needed if hardships are to be avoided.

　　第二個問題是非常嚴重的煤炭形勢。我們之所以能挺過去年完全是依靠大量消耗存貨。我們面對著即將到來的冬季，而煤炭儲備卻少了很多。煤炭產出由於已經得到討論且眾所周知的原因一直在下降，在此我最真誠地呼籲所有煤炭行業的有關人員盡最大努力增加生產，呼籲所有煤炭用戶最節省地使用燃料、照明與電力。這又是一個不能留給「其他人」解決的問題。能夠對人們產生影響的正是眾多個人行為的集合。政府的煤礦行業國有化政策將帶來長遠的巨大好處……但這一政策無法改善今年冬天的局勢。一項只有等到10月才能推出的法案基本無法影響今年冬季的煤炭生產，我必須強調，上台後，我們面對著嚴峻的形勢，為了避免接下來的困難局面，合作將是必不可少的。

　　Those are the two main anxieties that beset us, but there are many others. We will apply ourselves with vigour to overcoming these difficulties, but we cannot alter the basic facts of the situation. We have the inevitable consequences of a six years war to grapple with, but it would be a great mistake for a Government to concern themselves only with short-term problems, pressing as these are. Before the war there was, in our view, much that was wrong in the economic and social conditions in this country. A new start is being made under new conditions. We must look ahead to the future and not be for ever casting lingering glances back to a past which cannot be recaptured. We have to set about reconditioning the fabric of the economic life of the nation, in order that our economic resources can be fully utilised in the common interest. We cannot afford to have ill-managed, ill-equipped, unprogressive industries.

　　以上是困擾我們的兩大主要憂慮，但還有許多其他問題。我們將打起全副精神克服這些困難，但我們不能改變當前局勢的基本事實。我們正在與六年戰爭的必然後果竭力抗衡，但假如政府只關注短期的迫切問題將是極端錯誤的。在我們看來，戰爭之前這個國家的經濟和社會形勢就有許多錯誤之處。在新的條件下，一個新的開始已經到來。我們必須面向未來，而不是向一去不回頭的過去頻頻回顧。我們必須重新理順國民經濟的脈絡，從而使得我們的經濟資源為了共同利益而得到充分利用。我們負擔不起管理混亂、設備落後、停滯不前的工業。

　　It is our policy that the industries and services of this country shall make their maximum contribution to the public good. At the General Election we set very plainly before the electors our policy of bringing under public ownership some of the main factors in the economic life of this country. As has been pointed out in the Gracious Speech, we intend to bring the Bank of England under public ownership and to deal with the problem of the great basic industry of coal. During the whole of the interval between the two world wars, and many years before that, we have heard of the trouble in the coal industry, year by year, and it has had widespread repercussions on our national prosperity and on other industries. Commission after Commission, committee after committee has reported adversely on the structure and organisation. We intend, therefore, to bring this industry under public ownership as part of a wider scheme of converting the provision of fuel, light and power to the public service.

　　我們的政策是讓這個國家的工業和服務業為公益作出最大的貢獻。在大選期間我們已經十分明白地向選民說明了我們的政策，這個國家經濟生活中的一些主要行業將會公有化。正如國王演講已經指出的那樣，我們打算把英格蘭銀行公有化，解決煤炭這一基礎工業所存在的問題。兩次世界大戰間期，以及在那之前的許多年裡，我們已經年復一年地聽到了許多煤炭行業內的問題，這些問題已經對國家繁榮與其他行業造成了廣泛衝擊。一屆又一屆委員會都曾反覆對煤炭行業的結構和組織進行過批判。因此，我們打算把煤炭行業公有化作為轉化公共燃料、照明以及電力供應的更廣泛計劃的一部分。

　　My right hon. Friend opposite referred to the Trade Disputes Act of 1927, which was imposed for the first time in the history of trade union legislation without any discussion with the trade unions. That has long rankled as an act of injustice in the minds of trade unionists. I rather thought my right hon. Friend was going to cite that in another part of his speech where he was talking about freedom. This has laid as an imposition on the right of free association, and has deprived great bodies of citizens of their rights of free association which they had enjoyed for many years without any abuse, so I shall enlist his support, as a libertarian, when we introduce the Bill in favour of this repeal. It may well be that we shall have to consider, after the lapse of years, other matters in connection with the relations of these great bodies to the State, but the first thing is to clear away this thing which has to a large extent poisoned the industrial life of this country. There is one other cogent reason, that if, as we suppose, we have large numbers of citizens entering the service of the State we have to look again at these provisions which were enforced quite unnecessarily on civil servants when this Act was passed.

　　我尊敬的反對黨朋友談到了1927年的《貿易爭端法案》，這是工會立法歷史首個沒有與工會進行任何討論就強行施加的法案，長期以來一直被工會成員視為不公正的象徵。我本以為我尊敬的反對黨朋友會在講話中涉及自由的部分談論這一問題。這是強加於實行自由結社權利頭上的惡政，剝奪了眾多公民已然享有多年且從未濫用的自由結社權。所以當我們引入廢除該法案的提案時，我將會會爭取他這位自由主義者的支持。時隔多年後，我們可能必須考慮與這些主要國家級組織之間的關係，但首先要做的就是清理這一在很大程度上毒害了這個國家工業生活的禍根。此外還有一個令人信服的理由，如果如我們所想的那樣，將會有大量公民進入國家機關工作，我們必須重新檢視這些在這一法案得到通過時毫無必要地強加在公務員身上的規定。

　　We also intend to deal with the problem of compensation and betterment, the solution of which is essential for the proper planning of the countryside and the full utilisation of the land in the interests of the people. They are extremely difficult problems. Finally, we intend to introduce legislation which will complete and, I believe, improve the results of the post-war planning carried out in the Coalition Government, providing for a comprehensive scheme of industrial insurance, to extend and improve the existing insurance as part of the system of social security, and to expedite the setting up of a National Health Service.

　　我們還打算處理戰爭損失補償和改善的問題，這一問題的解決對於農村合理規劃以及為了人民利益而充分利用土地有著至關重要的意義。這也是非常棘手的問題。最後我們打算引進立法來完成並且——我相信能做到這一點——改善聯合政府戰後規劃的結果，提供全面的工業保險制度，擴展和改善現有社會保障體系一部分的保險制度，加快設立全民醫保制度。

　　I freely admit that the programme of work we have laid before this Parliament is heavy, but we are living in a time when great changes are due. The country will expect much from this House. I do not think it will be disappointed. We shall have controversy and keen debate and that is inevitable and right-it is the method of Parliamentary democracy. I have sat too long on the Opposition benches not to be sensitive of the rights of the Opposition and of the rights of private Members. It is the right and duty of the Opposition to criticise the administration and to oppose and seek to amend the legislation of the Government, but it is none the less the right and duty of the Government to govern and to pass into law the programme which it has been elected to carry out. The successful working of our Parliamentary institutions depends on harmonising these conflicting rights and duties. It will be the object of the Government to preserve the rights of minorities as an essential feature of democracy while, at the same time, ensuring that democratic institutions are not wrecked by a failure to carry out and implement the will of the majority.

　　我坦率地承認，本屆議會面臨的工作負擔十分沉重，但我們生活在一個呼喚重大變革的時代。國家對於本屆下院寄予了極高的期望。我不認為我們將令國家失望。我們將會有爭論和激烈的辯論，這是不可避免的，這也是議會民主的實現方式。我在反對黨議席上坐得時間太久了，無法不對反對黨以及個人議會成員的權利感到敏感。反對黨的權利與義務就是批評執政黨以及反對政府立法並要求修改。但說到底政府的權利和義務才是執政治國以及將選定的方案以法律形式通過。議會機構成功運作的基礎就是令彼此衝突的權利和義務達到和諧統一。政府的目的是維護作為民主基本特徵的少數派權利，同時確保民主體制不會因為無法貫徹和落實多數派意志而失靈。

　　I am not asking for any indulgence for this Government-all Governments deserve criticism and should profit by it-but I would like to emphasise again before I sit down, that the situation in which we find ourselves at the end of these six years of war is very difficult. To win through this critical period in our history will require, I think, the continuance of something of the spirit which won the war, a spirit which did not allow private or sectional interests to obscure the common interests of us all and the love which we all have for our native land and for our people.

　　我不奢求這屆政府能得到任何寬待——任何政府都需要批評且應當從中獲益，但我想再次在我坐下之前強調，六年戰爭結束後我們現在的處境非常困難。為了贏得我國歷史上的這一關鍵時期，我認為必須要延續令我們贏得戰爭的精神，絕不能允許個人或部分利益來掩蓋我們大家的共同利益以及我們對祖國與人民的熱愛。

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